The patron of Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), Tin Oo, laid the foundation for the critique in a speech introducing the party chairwoman.
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The general response to NLD during the election campaign indicates that Suu Kyi’s strategy of putting the party and her own personality at the forefront of election campaign could yet be the political master stroke. “From my door-to-door experience they don’t ask about what kind of policy we will implement”, said Khin Moht Moht Aung. Indeed, the former speaker, Thura Shwe Mann, a leader of the USDP, was reportedly working well with Aung Sang Suu Kyi, leading to his dismissal from the post and the army’s assertion of its unassailable position. It may also vindicate the democratic nations which isolated Burma with sanctions during its long years under the junta.
“We have lived under so much oppression for 60 years, so when I cast my vote I hope this will help free us from fear”. Yet despite the excitement building over the election, and the vibrant campaigning going on across the country (itself a sign of the freedoms unleashed in Myanmar), the past few weeks have caused some Myanmar politicians and worldwide observers to worry that this election will be fraudulent, and that a large proportion of voters will be denied the chance to call ballots.
1947: Following World War II, Aung San – Aung San Suu Kyi’s father – negotiates Pangalong Agreement, which guaranteed independence. Given the recent political history of Myanmar, however, many people are still concerned at what might happen if the vote doesn’t go as planned. Many predict that NLD led by Aung San Suu Kyi will win this time and end military rule; others have forecasted that USDP will return to power.
“If authorities urge their staff to vote for a certain party, that is a violation of laws”, she said.
Win Htein, an executive committee member with the National League for Democracy, said that three of its members remain in the hospital, while the parliamentarian’s fingers were seriously injured.
The NLD won a resounding victory in the 1990 election, while Suu Kyi was under house arrest, but the ruling junta refused to relinquish power. Army Chief Gen Min Aung Hlaing cancelled a scheduled meeting with Suu Kyi last June. “But he came back with a large knife”, said Thet Htar Nwe Win, another NLD candidate, who witnessed the incident. A few address her as “Mother Suu”. But that is where the key challenge lies: the ethnic parties between them technically control 30% of the seats in parliament; but more importantly, the military has 25% of the seats in parliament reserved in perpetuity under the constitution. Suu Kyi’s late husband was British, and her two sons have British passports. “We will try to win this election in a right way”, she added.
As Myanmar heads towards its important 2015 elections, attention is focusing on the unfinished business of Myanmar’s political transition.
She was referring to remarks made by President U Thein Sein while visiting Ngapudaw town in Ayeyarwady Region on October 29 when he said the government had already changed enough in moving from a military regime to a democratic government.
The colourful election campaign has largely been calm, although the NLD has complained that its rivals have used religion as a political tool.
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“One of the problems that people certainly, nearly unanimously, think is that the political ties between the ruling party and the military are a problem and that military impunity still exists and the military can get away with human rights abuses and other forms of bad behaviour that really concern people”, he said. The NLD had boycotted the election, accusing the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) of fraud concerning electoral rolls, ghost voters and undue military intervention.
