Democrats are counting on a wave of presidential-year voters in districts where Republicans are vulnerable. If that pattern persists in November, Republicans will likely lose their slim upper-chamber majority because the most competitive Senate races are clustered in blue or purple states where Trump faces the greatest resistance.
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Johnson’s campaign announced Tuesday that it would not campaign on September 11 either.
Let’s say you were running Hillary’s campaign now. Most Republican candidates have tied themselves in knots to separate, but not break, from their tempestuous nominee. Many of them are devout philosophical conservatives who have little in common with Clinton on either policy or ideology. That’s the biggest change in political presidential strategy that you have had, bar none. She captured only about 20 percent of the vote while Arizona Student Association activists Isela Blanc and Athena Salman both won, with each getting over 30 percent of the vote. Meanwhile, voter registration for the rest of the metro area is strongly in favor of one party or another: Denver is a stronghold for Democrats, Douglas for Republicans.
There are other critical differences between 1964 and now; and I can discuss them as someone who witnessed the Goldwater campaign.
Clinton spent much of August holding high-profile fundraisers in New York, California and MA. There were also justified fears among GOP operatives that Goldwater would carry the entire party down to defeat.
East Valley candidates emerged victorious in two Congressional districts while two incumbent legislators in East Valley races lost, according to unofficial results from Tuesday’s primary election. Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton has a fairly safe 96 percent chance of winning the 12 electoral votes Washington offers.
Such matters concerned me at the time, since I was an Eastern establishment Republican. And I think that as Republicans have perceived their party to be shrinking, they have hardened in their views, which is pretty damaging to their immediate-term prospects. (Remember “compassionate conservatism.”) I never dreamed the Republicans would nominate someone like Donald Trump. It’s been very effective for him, as he picked off all the Republican opponents one by one. Richard Nixon, although part of the liberal wing of his party, emphatically supported Goldwater and was rewarded four years later with the presidential nomination.
“Donald Trump is doing us no favors in Miami-Dade”, said Rep. Richard Corcoran, R-Land O’Lakes, the incoming House speaker.
Bret Stephens of Wall Street Journal fired this opening salvo on August 31, 2015: “If by now you don’t find Trump appalling, then you’re appalling”. Perhaps during the Democratic primaries some independent voters thought Sanders might be the nominee, leading them to hold back from supporting the Democratic candidate until they were sure it would be Clinton. Clinton owns a two-point edge on Trump in the same poll. But recent polling by McSally’s campaign and the NRCC, conducted before this week’s primary to determine whom her Democratic opponent would be, shows her leading either Democratic challenger by almost 20 points, while Trump is losing to Clinton in the district by 2 points. This is not the most strategically challenging campaign, as long as he is behaving as he is.
Yet the fiery speech was filled with applause lines for Trump’s loyal supporters, including his insistence that immigrants in the country without permission who wish to seek legal status or citizenship must return to their home countries in order to do so. Presumably good neocons would have voted for Hofer’s Socialist rival, Alexander Van der Bellen, who plans to flood his country with Muslim migrants.
Whatever weaknesses Clinton has, Trump constantly covers them up. Unfortunately they’re not going to get both.
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The Republican attacked Inslee for the stance on KIRO Radio on Monday. It is quite the opposite. The Rev. Mark Burns, one of Trump’s top African-American backers, recently distributed a cartoon depicting Clinton in blackface. Williamson is particularly exercised over “the white working class’s social dysfuntion”, although apparently less exercised over the non-white underclass’s dysfunction.
