As a result of his years as Israel’s Ambassador to the United States, 1968-1972, Rabin became convinced of the importance of Israel’s relationship with America and the role of the American Jewish community as an integral element in that relationship.
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And who can blame Israel if that’s so?
Two years later Rabin chose to discontinue an ambitious project aimed at producing an Israeli fighter jet.
I helped kill Yitzhak Rabin. Gedaliah was the first. We know the chances. Without the spineless leadership of King Abdullah, Netanyahu could not exist.
Sa’ar, speaking of Rabin’s legacy to a packed house of more than 200 people, said, “We are sick of words”. And yet despite all we know of his life, we understand little about his death and what it means.
In ulpan, we had a memorial service for Rabin. Perhaps the perspective of generations is needed to appreciate the meaning of today’s events.
In contrast, Riskin, who co-founded Efrat in 1982 after moving to Israel from New York City, where he garnered acclaim as the rabbi of the Lincoln Square Synagogue, said he believes that Arabs should be granted full civil rights in a Jewish state so long as they are willing to follow basic moral laws.
According to Clinton, Rabin agreed to a change that was not included on the maps. And we’re afraid to air that disagreement too openly because the disagreement is so sharp and the consequences so extreme.
Rabin’s opponents warned that the 6,000 engineers and technicians who lost their jobs would end up snatched by American firms and thus trigger a brain drain. The assassination ultimately succeeded. Having been parachuted into Golda Meir’s unexpectedly vacated seat, Rabin inherited a statist, centrally planned, and inflationary economy overburdened by the Yom Kippur War’s pressure on the Israeli budget and by the oil embargo’s pressure on the global economy. Prime Minister Rabin recognized that peace and security were inextricably linked – that the cycle of violence would continue until a just peace was reached.
President Reuven Rivlin met with former U.S. president Bill Clinton in Jerusalem on Friday, calling the American leader “a true friend of the State of Israel”.
In recent weeks, Israeli and Palestinian analysts alike have spoken repeatedly about the influence of social networks – particularly Facebook – during the ongoing wave of violence in Israel and their ability to spread incitement and hate speech. That’s half-true. Rabin’s character was molded early on by the free-wheeling, seat-of-the-pants culture of the socialist Palmach militia that he joined as a teenager. But three unwavering principles guided him throughout his career: an unsentimental, sometimes ruthless commitment to Israel’s security; a belief in the legitimacy of democratic government in a fractured society, and an unshaken belief in the importance of partitioning historic Palestine into Jewish and Arab states. Peace with Jordan. Gulf State “interest offices” opening in Tel Aviv. With the Rabin Center built and flourishing, AFYR is pleased to advance the legacy of Yitzhak Rabin by supporting this first-ever Fellowship at Israel’s preeminent institution of higher learning and research.
In 1976, frustrated by Defense Minister (and Dayan protégé) Peres’s championing of settlements, Rabin told an interviewer that the settler movement was “a cancer” that would eventually prevent withdrawal, leaving Israel an “apartheid state”.
In one famous incident, Netanyahu, then the opposition leader, addressed a protest in downtown Jerusalem where demonstrators held posters portraying Rabin in an Arab headscarf or Nazi uniform. His vision of Palestinian statehood, he often said, was not a marriage but a divorce. Israel needed a border between itself and the Palestinians precisely because they were hostile.
Rabin’s rise redefined the Egyptian and Jordanian concessions into agreements that would support regional peace.
“On the surface, we have overcome and moved on”. One was between Beilin and Arafat deputy Mahmoud Abbas in October 1995. The next was between Ehud Barak and Arafat, beginning in July 2000, ending with Arafat’s walkout but resuming a month later and continuing through January 2001.
Heschel responded to Inbar’s lecture by asking the audience to remember “that evil is never the climax of history”, and that “peace is made not only by Prime Ministers; it’s made by individual citizens”.
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We were wrong to assume that “real” Jews could not act like Goldstein, and derelict to think we shared no responsibility.
